Category Archives: fracking

Common Dreams; Oil Change International: Tar Sands on Life Support: Report–Evidence of struggling tar sands sector suggests opportunity to slow the rate of growth ‘significantly’

http://www.commondreams.org/news/2015/05/29/face-rising-climate-movement-tar-sands-life-support-reportOCI-Briefing-OnTheEdge_FINAL+

Oil Change International credits a growing people’s climate movement for slowing tar sands growth. (Photo: Chris Yakimov/flickr/cc)

With dozens of carbon-intensive tar sands projects delayed or on hold, a new report released Friday confidently declares: “The case for the tar sands is crumbling.”

A new analysis by Oil Change International identifies 39 projects—representing more than 1.61 million barrels per day (bpd) of potential tar sands oil production capacity—that companies are currently unable or unwilling to invest in.

That’s good news for the climate and the environment, as well as for frontline communities that bear the brunt of the toxic tar sands production.

And it’s bad news for the tar sands sector, which now finds itself “struggling to justify many new projects,” says Hannah McKinnon, senior campaigner on private finance at Oil Change International.

According to the report, On the Edge: 1.6 Million Barrels per Day of Proposed Tar Sands Oil on Life Support (pdf), the delayed and on-hold projects include three open pit mine projects with a combined capacity of over 450,000 bpd, and over 30 drilling projects with nearly 1.2 million bpd capacity. The total extractable tar sands oil in these projects is almost 13 billion barrels. If all of that resource was extracted and burned, around 7.8 billion metric tons of carbon dioxide would be emitted—equivalent to 40 years of emissions from 51 average U.S. coal-fired power plants.

Furthermore, the Oil Change analysis found that an additional 550,000 bpd of production capacity is owned by companies that have filed for bankruptcy—”another clear indicator of weakness in the sector,” the authors write.

A number of factors have led to this decline, the report says, pointing to plummeting oil prices; shifting politics in the ‘tar sands capital’ of Alberta, Canada; and the rise of both alternative energy technologies and the grassroots climate movement.

“The combination of citizen action to block pipelines and development and the rising tide of climate policies and alternative technologies, which are together leading to lower oil demand growth and lower oil prices, signal very strong headwinds for an oil source that is both high cost and high carbon,” the report reads. Should such conditions persist, it goes on, “the rate of growth may slow significantly in the coming years—potentially avoiding lock-in of a significant amount of [greenhouse gas] emissions.”

Still, the authors warn against growing complacent in the face of an industry that will fight tooth and nail to maintain its dominance.

“This report is some good news for the climate, but the battle is far from over. Every day of delay for tar sands projects is a good day for our future, but this is an industry determined to dig it up,” said Lorne Stockman, Research Director at Oil Change International. “But while the industry puts its head down and tries to charge ahead, people around the continent are rising up to defend our communities and climate, and their efforts are clearly paying dividends.”

Truthout: Since the City of Denton Banned Fracking, Texas GOP Moves to Preempt Local Control Sunday, 08 March 2015 00:00 By Candice Bernd, Truthout | Report

http://truth-out.org/news/item/29485-since-the-city-of-denton-banned-fracking-texas-gop-moves-to-pre-empt-local-control

Denton Drilling Awareness

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Carol Soph, a board member of the Denton Drilling Awareness Group, the driving force behind Denton’s fracking ban, speaks with Rep. Phil King about her concerns regarding a bill he introduced in response to the Denton ban that would gut cities’ ability to introduce similar measures or regulations. King is this year’s national chair of the American Legislative Exchange Council. (Photo: Candice Bernd)

“I do feel very strongly that air-quality measures and the engineering and scientific issues of oil and gas should be regulated at the state level, where the expertise is,” Texas Rep. Phil King (R-Weatherford) told a group of North Texans Monday, March 2, during a meeting in his Capitol office about a bill he introduced that would create barriers to a city’s ability to regulate the oil and gas industry.

The room was largely filled with people from Denton, which passed Texas’ first ban on hydraulic fracturing (fracking) within city limits. Since the ban passed last fall in a landslide victory, state lawmakers connected to the oil and gas industry and to the American Legislative Exchange Council (ALEC) have introduced a number of bills aimed at undermining local democracy, ostensibly to prevent other cities from following Denton’s lead.

Activists, however, says these bills would effectively kill local democracy so that citizens would lose the ability to introduce ballot referendums, and local governments would be unable to regulate industry to protect the health and safety of residents.

“The reason that we’re here is because the state did a terrible job. That’s why the opposition [to oil and gas drilling] is growing,” said Sharon Wilson, a Gulf coast organizer with Earthworks, in response to King’s assessment.

King continued to assert his confidence in state oil and gas regulators and told the group he plans to move forward with his bills. One of the bills would allow the state to reject a municipal ordinance and the other would require a city to assess the tax revenue cost of any attempt to regulate oil and gas.

At the March 2 meeting, about 40 residents from Denton, Dallas, Arlington, Mansfield, Grand Prairie and Pantego expressed concerns about the state-level regulatory lapses that brought Denton to the point of banning fracking. These lapses are driving many other cities across the state to make their local oil and gas regulations stronger.

As a resident of Denton myself, I watched the city struggle for more than five years to regulate the oil and gas industry’s activities within city limits. Yet oil and gas companies refused to follow many of the rules the city adopted when it revised its gas drilling ordinance in 2013, claiming instead that their drilling activities were grandfathered under old rules. Finally, Denton was left with no other option but to ban fracking entirely in 2014, delivering a blow to the industry in a city on the same shale where the drilling technique was pioneered in the ’90s.

Years earlier, Denton City Council members had instructed residents to take their concerns about gas drilling to Austin, telling many of my neighbors that their hands were simply tied at the local level. Residents took their advice and traveled to Austin multiple times, but rather than finding the help they were seeking, Austin lawmakers at the time sent representatives of the Denton Drilling Awareness Group (DAG) back to Denton, telling them explicitly that it was a local issue. Now, as it turns out, they seem to be changing their minds.

“We did work on [regulating drilling] at the state level, and Phil King and Myra Crownover and Tan Parker did everything they could to undermine getting anything passed at the state level,” said former Fort Worth Rep. Lon Burnam, who now works for Public Citizen, referring to Denton County representatives. “So they’ve kind of reaped what they sowed.”

King’s bills are part of a wider strategy emerging in Republican-dominated state legislatures this year to curtail municipalities’ regulatory authority, including their ability to pass local ordinances and citizen-led ballot referendums. The legislation often comes at the behest of industries that stand to lose money because of regulations initiated in the municipalities where they operate.

According to The New York Times, eight states led by Republicans have prohibited municipalities from passing paid sick day legislation in just the past two years. Other such preemption laws have barred cities from raising the minimum wage and regulating the activities of landlords. This year, Arkansas passed a law that blocks a city’s ability to pass anti-discrimination laws that would protect LGBT people, and bills introduced in six states this session would follow Arkansas’ lead.

Many industries, including, most prominently, the restaurant industry and oil and gas interests, are working together this year through ALEC, which generates “model” legislation that advances the interests of its corporate members throughout state legislatures. Rep. King is serving as ALEC’s national chair this year and introduced his two preemption bills with Denton’s fracking ban in mind.

King denied that his role in ALEC had anything to do with the introduction of his preemption bills and said the bills were not model legislation created by ALEC. The organization’s corporate funders have contributed tens of thousands of dollars to King over the years.

Two other bills filed in Austin this session would go even further than King’s in gutting local regulatory power: One would prevent any city or county in Texas from banning fracking, and another would effectively kill home rule authority (a city’s ability to pass laws to govern itself) so that cities cannot pass local ordinances.

State lawmakers and the oil and gas industry isn’t just responding to the blow delivered to fracking interests in Texas, but also hoping to beat back frack bans nationally. Bans on hydraulic fracturing passed in local municipalities across the nation during midterms elections. Those bans, and in particular, Denton’s ban – have created a backlash from the oil and gas industry and conservative statehouses in the United States.

Last month, the Ohio Supreme Court ruled that only the state – not cities or counties – has the authority to regulate oil and gas drilling, effectively killing a municipality’s ability to ban the drilling practice. But in other states, judges have ruled exactly the opposite, such as in New York’s Supreme Court, which in July decided that local governments did have the authority to ban fracking. In another case in Pennsylvania, a court ruled that cities have the authority to regulate fracking, but not to outlaw it.

“The reason all these [preemption] bills are being filed is [state legislators are] in a state of shock, because the people of Denton conducted an electoral revolution and passed this [fracking ban], and now they are reeling from it,” Burnam said.

Dentonites and other North Texans living on top of the Barnett Shale formation are fighting a state and industry attack on their right to determine what’s best for their communities. They point out the hypocrisy of conservative lawmakers in Austin who rail against so-called “Big Government” at the federal level while simultaneously attempting to strip small municipal governments of their power.

The grassroots activists have also been quick to point out conservative lawmakers’ duplicity when it comes to property rights. They have largely framed their arguments at the state Capitol in those terms because state representatives often ignore other valuable environmental and health concerns.

“The whole ALEC team, led by Phil King, is more considerate of the property rights of corporations than they are the property rights of homeowners and individuals, and this is what this battle is really about, because in Texas, the overriding law is deferential treatment to the subsurface mineral right owners over the surface homeowners,” Burnam said.

This contradiction was front-and-center during anti-fracking activists’ meeting with Sen. Craig Estes about the bill he introduced, which mandates that cities compensate mineral owners if they pass regulations that cut into potential mineral profits.

The activist group argued that mineral owners’ rights to extract minerals and earn profits from them conflicts with the property rights of homeowners, because the industrial process of fracking can create property damage and decrease property values, as well as prevent homeowners from enjoying their property due to light, noise and air pollution created by fracking.

Dentonites are also continuing efforts to defend their city’s fracking ban at the local level. DAG members, with the help of Earthworks, are intervening in two court cases brought against the city by the Texas Oil and Gas Association and Texas’ General Land Office, which argue the city’s ban violates the Texas Constitution. The Denton groups asked that the cases be moved to Denton County from Travis County, and the court agreed.

Meanwhile, Dentonites continue to testify at City Council meetings as council members once again work to revise the city’s drilling ordinance, which will become the last word on drilling regulations if the city’s ban is overturned in court.

Full disclosure: As a resident of Denton for seven years, this reporter, at various times throughout the past five years in which residents have organized against fracking in Denton, has participated in those efforts. To read her personal account of the city’s struggle to protect residents’ health and safety, see this story.

Copyright, Truthout. May not be reprinted without permission.

Candice Bernd

Candice Bernd is an assistant editor/reporter with Truthout. With her partner, she is co-writing and co-producing Don’t Frack With Denton, a documentary chronicling how her hometown became the first city to ban fracking in Texas. Follow her on Twitter @CandiceBernd.

Marketplace.org: Fracking makes sand a $10 billion industry

http://www.marketplace.org/topics/world/fracking-makes-sand-10-billion-industry

A worker unloads sand from a delivery truck into one of three "Sand Kings" on an oil-drilling site north of Denver.

Dan Weissmann/Marketplace

A worker unloads sand from a delivery truck into one of three “Sand Kings” on an oil-drilling site north of Denver.

by Dan Weissmann

Tuesday, January 13, 2015 – 12:20

On a square of clay and gravel about 40 miles north of downtown Denver, Joel Fox’s colleagues are starting a frack on an oil well. Fox — who runs fracking operations for Encana Corp., a $9 billion oil and gas company — points to the action we’ll be able to see from our safe distance.

“Once they start the sand,” he says, “you’ll see it coming out of that hopper.”

The hopper is connected to a Sand King — which looks like a giant purple dumpster, 40 feet long, one end tilted into the air.

Seconds later, we see sand flowing into a trough that feeds a giant blender, which mixes the sand with water. Together, they’ll get pumped into the well, shattering the shale rock below ground.

Over the next hour or so, the Sand King will dump about 100 tons of sand into the blender. All the while, trucks move in and out of the well site, with 25-ton partial-refills for the Sand King.

Fox will repeat this process 20 times for a single well.

“So, what’s that? 2,000 tons in a well,” he says, doing some quick calculations. “And I got seven wells.”

That’s just on one site north of Denver, a two- or three-week fracking operation.

Multiply that out by more than 20,000 wells fracked in a year, according to PacWest Consulting Partners, which tracks the oil and gas industries. It comes to more than 100 billion pounds.

Thanks to the fracking revolution, sand — one of the most common substances on earth — has become a $10 billion industry. At times, some oil and gas producers have not been able to get enough. Even with low oil prices likely to mean less drilling in the next year, the question with sand is whether the oil industry’s demand will stay the same, or go up.

At the wellhead, Fox explains just what the sand and the water do in the well.

“The water provides the force to crack the rock open,” he says. The pressure – 5,000 pounds per square inch – makes tiny cracks in the rock, flows into them, and brings the sand with it.

“And then when I flow the well back,” says Fox, meaning, he pulls the water back out. “I leave the sand in the fractures.”

The sand keeps these tiny little fractures propped open, so Fox’s colleagues can suck the oil out through them.

The “frac sand” business has grown to the point where several companies have gone public. The biggest players will win over time, says Brandon Dobell, an analyst who follows the oil and gas industry for William Blair and Co. He thinks scale and coordination will be critical, like it was for FedEx and UPS.

“When overnight delivery started, you had a bunch of companies doing overnight delivery,” he says. Now there are two. “And the reason there’s two is because it’s really difficult to get a package from Point A to Point B in a very short amount of time, no matter where the Point A or Point B is, and no matter how big or small that package is.”

The comparison is more direct than it may seem: Delivering packages on time is a big part of what sand companies do. In this case, the packages are 25-ton truckloads. Over the course of two or three weeks, Fox will use 560 truckloads of sand at his seven wells north of Denver.

If the trucks don’t show up on time, then workers here — there are dozens, scheduled in shifts that go around the clock — sit around waiting. So do the Sand Kings (there are three) and the blender, the truck-size pumps (there are 10) and everything else.

According to PacWest, transportation can account for about two-thirds of the price that operators like Fox pay for sand. Some sand companies control railcars and loading facilities, as well as mines.

However, supply has been the first concern.

“You would think: ‘There’s sand everywhere. How can there not be enough supply?’” says Dobell. “Well, this sand’s different. And it’s only in a couple of places.”

The best sand for fracking is called Northern White. It comes from Minnesota, Iowa, Illinois, and especially Wisconsin. The rush to grab it has turned some rural areas inside out.

That sand rush may continue, and the business may keep growing, despite low oil prices, because Fox uses sand conservatively. Dobell describes what other producers have been finding: “Shoving a lot of sand down into each frack generates a lot more oil production.” That means some companies now put two to five times as much sand into each well.

Sand is expensive, but it’s a small part of the total cost of a fracking operation. “They’re using the same days on drill, and they’re using the same equipment,” says Dobell, “but they’re putting a lot more sand in, and they’re going to get a lot more oil out.”

PacWest does not factor this trend into its projections. “We’ve been extremely conservative,” says Samir Nangia, the PacWest principal who oversees sand-industry estimates. His numbers for the next two years show demand as steady — neither growing substantially, nor shrinking.

Progress Florida: Sign Petition to Support S.B. 166 to Ban Fracking in Florida

The oil and gas lobbyists will stop at nothing to open up our state to fracking, endangering our communities. As a member of the Florida Senate who represents a district that includes our beloved Everglades, I see fracking as a real and immediate threat to our state, and that’s why I need your help.

Sign the petition urging my colleagues in the Florida Legislature to support SB 166, which would ban fracking statewide.

Sen. Darren Soto and I introduced this bill with the hope that Floridians would raise their voices on this issue, and they’re doing just that. I’m truly grateful for Progress Florida and the thousands of Floridians who have already declared their support for this important legislation.

Check out Mark Ferrulo’s email from last week for additional background on what’s at stake. I hope you’ll add your name to the petition and join this critical campaign today. Thanks for all you do to both protect and move our state forward.

For Florida,

Senator Dwight Bullard
District 39

 

———- Forwarded message ———-
From: Mark Ferrulo, Progress Florida <info@progressflorida.org>
Date: Wed, Dec 10, 2014 at 7:41 AM
Subject: Fracking ban introduced!

We’re at an important moment in the debate over fracking in the Florida Everglades: Senators Darren Soto (D-Orlando) and Dwight Bullard (D-Miami) have introduced SB 166, a statewide ban on this dangerous threat to our land and water and the health of our communities.

Sign our petition to the Florida Legislature saying you support a ban on fracking in Florida, and let’s build momentum behind this important legislation.

Progress Florida has been fighting fracking in our state throughout the year. We’ve helped demonstrate that it’s possible to make progress on this critical issue despite a governor and legislative leadership soaked in Big Oil’s money. Earlier this year, we helped stop two bills in the legislature that would have denied the public’s right to know what chemicals are pumped into the ground during the fracking process. When an illegal acid fracking operation was discovered on endangered panther habitat in the western Everglades, we helped convince the Department of Environmental Protection (DEP) to pull all drilling permits for the offending company, Hughes Co.

The victories have had an important impact on the debate over fracking. Now that a statewide ban has been introduced, we can’t afford to let up now. Let’s support Sens. Soto and Bullard in this critical effort.

Tell the legislature you support a statewide ban on fracking to protect the Florida we love.

As Sen. Bill Nelson wrote to state environmental officials over the summer, “We cannot tolerate expanded industrial drilling activities that pose a threat to the drinking and surface water so close to the Florida Everglades.” The same goes for the rest of our state. Thanks for your help.

For progress,

Mark and the rest of the Progress Florida team